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Egypt: Neo-colonialism, Economic Nationalism and Imperialism
24 February 2011 By Reason Wafawarova
THE frugality of the United States in particular,
and that of the West inasfar as comments received
after the forced stepping down of Egyptian president
Hosni Mubarak is concerned were quite revealing in
terms of what they showed about the behaviour of
imperial powers in international affairs.
Below was the first reaction of US President Barack
Obama as described by Nicholas Johnston and Mike
Dorning of a publication known as Bloomberg:
"After being told about Mubarak's action, Obama
went to an outer office to watch television coverage
of the scene in Cairo for several minutes," Tommy
Vietor, an administration spokesman, said in an
e-mail.
His deputy Joe Biden described the departure of
Mubarak as "a pivotal moment" and he went on to say
the stakes were "not about Egypt alone" but for the
whole of the Middle East.
Obama praised Mubarak and said he had answered the
Egyptians' "hunger for change" and he praised the
military for taking over power from Mubarak, calling
for the soldiers to revise the constitution and to
organise for an election.
Yes, dear reader; the US congratulating soldiers
for taking over power to govern. Quite unthinkable
isn't it?
Said Obama: "Many questions remain unanswered. But
I am confident that the people of Egypt can find the
answers, and do so peacefully, constructively, and in
the spirit of unity that has defined these last few
weeks. For Egyptians have made it clear that nothing
less than genuine democracy will carry the day."
Robert Gibbs, the White House spokesperson, called
on Egypt's next government to uphold the 1979 peace
pact with Israel. The call is very revealing and so
much important for the shaken Israel.
Obama immediately promised to fund the new military
regime in Egypt and he pledged that the US will uphold
the alliance with Egypt, more so after the ouster of
the custodian of that alliance - Mubarak.
It was quite revealing for a sitting president of a
country which is occupying two Middle East countries
with a view to militarily bring democracy and justice
to these countries - Iraq and Afghanistan - to talk of
non-violence as the way to justice.
Said Obama: "Egyptians have inspired us, and
they've done so by putting the lie to the idea that
justice is best gained through violence. For in Egypt,
it was the moral force of non-violence - not
terrorism, not mindless killing - but non-violence,
moral force, that bent the arc of history toward
justice once more."
One hopes the inspiration by the Egyptians to Obama
will end the violence in Afghanistan.
But to say the protests in Egypt were violence free
is just being hopelessly dishonest. Buildings were
burnt down, people died, protesters were shot at,
vigilante groups of business people shot at looters
and so on.
The question is why the super-righteous US would
choose to be blind to this violence and to openly
pledge backing for a military regime and also to
praise what would normally pass for an ousted
dictator, at least by the pronouncements of the
protestors.
The BBC captured the reasons perfectly well.
Mark Mardel wrote: ". . . despite all the brickbats
that have been thrown at the White House for clumsy
handling of this crisis, the administration has got
exactly what it has wanted for a couple of weeks: the
exit of Mr Mubarak, the entry of the military as
caretakers, the promise of democracy, and the absence
of violence".
So in reality the CIA got it exactly the way they
wanted.Now the US is going to "democratise" Egypt the
American way, sponsoring a pliant regime to carry over
from where Mubarak left off.
The victory of the Egyptian people is quite
specious, but the developments in Egypt point to a
continuation of a neo-colonial agenda for the Middle
East being headquartered once again in Cairo.
There is enough motivation for Egyptian politicians
to keep the puppet tradition left by Hosni Mubarak.
The man's Egypt ranked in the top two biggest
recipients of US aid over the years and he is reported
to have been quite a spendthrift, furthering US
interests in the Middle East and at a personal level.
For many years Egypt has only been second to Israel
in terms of receiving the most military and financial
aid from the US.
To understand the US position on the latest
developments in Egypt and the possible direction of US
policy in the aftermath it is necessary to attend to
the thinking that lie behind policy choices in the US.
Egypt did not have until these recent mass protests
too much independence, or radical nationalism as was
the case during the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser.
Nasser's radical nationalism was not acceptable to
the West and Mubarak's tolerance for the interests of
the US-led imperial authority was the basis for the
30-year-old US-Egypt alliance - itself a buffer to any
possible regional resistance to Israel's unspeakable
brutalities on the people of Palestine.
Radical nationalism, especially radical economic
nationalism, is by definition not acceptable to the
capitalist doctrine and this is precisely why the
reaction of the US to events in Egypt cannot be
replicated in a more independent state.
If President Robert Mugabe chose a transition where
he handed over power to the security forces, there is
no doubt that the subsequent transitional government
would be condemned, sanctioned, attacked militarily
and the White House would not be as frugal in comments
over such a development.
In 2006, the Fijian military took over power from
the corrupt government of Prime Minister Laisenia
Qarase and Frank Bainimarama, the military man who
took over power was, and is still very popular among
Fijians for this move.
The Western powers, led by neighbouring Australia,
condemned the coup, and Fiji was kicked out of the
Commonwealth, sanctioned heavily and is until today in
economic isolation from its traditional Western
trading partners.
This is precisely because Frank Bainimarama is a
radical nationalist who expelled the Australian head
of the Fijian Police Force and other high-ranking
Australians in the Fijian Army. He has also opened up
to Chinese investors and has assumed more control of
Fijian industries, especially sugar production.
Bainimarama is anti-neo-colonialism, a nationalist
and he pursues policies driven by economic
nationalism, just like Hugo Chavez of Venezuela,
Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe or Evo Morales of Bolivia.
Zimbabwe's land reform programme and its recent
economic empowerment policies for the indigenous
population are all part of the "rotten apple" effect
of possible success and there is always the need to
eliminate the "infection" before it spreads.
In Western political terms, independent nationalism
is unthinkable, and never is it entertained as an
option.
This is why the US has been trying to downplay the
role of the Muslim Brotherhood in the ousting of their
puppet leader in Egypt.
The US wants to make sure that the transition is
managed in such a way that they will be able to come
up with another puppet as effective as Hosni Mubarak,
only wearing more reflective colours of electoral
democracy - of course with the electoral patterns
being favourably and heavily influenced by the
US-Egypt alliance.
Egypt has reached its Vietnam phase. In 1948
Washington planners recognised that the nationalist
movement led by Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Minh in
Vietnam was not a safe bet to safeguard American
imperialist interests.
Ho Chi Minh was eager to co-operate with the United
States, but not on the required terms of
subordination.
This is the fear of the US and its allies when they
look at the possibilities over the next Egyptian
government. They cannot be sure that they will be able
to ensure the required subordination as was provided
by Mubarak over the last three decades.
More importantly in terms of Vietnam was the fear
of US policymakers - a fear based on "anti-Western
Pan-Asiatic tendencies in the region", undermining the
"close association between newly-autonomous peoples
and powers which have been long responsible (for)
their welfare".
The US is quite scared of the rise of the Muslim
Brotherhood and the rise of the Pan-Arabism spirit.
In Indochina, France had been the presiding power and
the legacy of France's tender care was a trail of
devastated and starving countries.
Just like the case in Africa now, the West was wary
of Chinese influence in Vietnam.
A US State Department statement explained that
China needed to be excluded "so that the peoples of
Indochina will not be hampered in their natural
developments by the pressures of an alien people and
alien interests"; unlike those of the US and those of
France.
The right of the US to restore the US-Egypt
alliance is axiomatic and the intention to perpetuate
the gains of the Mubarak era is quite apparent and
unambiguous.
Any problems that may arise will be attributed to
anti-Semitism, Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism.
Just like the Cold War fear that Vietnam and other
newly independent states would align with the USSR,
the US is dead scared that Egypt under a new
people-power regime might align with the dreaded Iran,
that way making life for Israel highly unbearable.
The problem as far as the US is concerned is world
independence and nationalism, not imperial concerns.
The imperial aggressions in Afghanistan and Iraq are
not a problem at all. These are "democratisation"
programmes.
The real problems in international affairs are
caused by the nationalist policies of the likes of
President Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Hugo Chavez of Venezuela
and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran.
The traditional colonial economic interests of the
industrialised countries must prevail as has been the
case in Egypt over the years.
Melvyn Leffler was reported by Noam Chomsky as
having once said that Asia needed to remain under "its
traditional subordination".
This is a prevailing doctrine in the Western
intellectual community and the "arrogance" of leaders
like Robert Mugabe is seen as a threat to the national
interest of the United States and subsequently of all
its Western allies.
What happened in Egypt could have been independent
nationalism fulfilled if only the US had stopped
hijacking the people's project to have the Egyptian
military secure its interests while buying more time
to rope in a pliant replacement for the ousted puppet
leader, Hosni Mubarak.
We now all know why the Egyptian military watched
as protesters destroyed property and even killed each
other in clashes between business vigilantes, pro-Mubarak
marchers and the majority anti-Mubarak marchers.
The reticence was a US instruction calculated to
make a military takeover more acceptable to the
masses.
A military in antagonism with protesters would have
found it extremely hard to take over power without
inciting more anger on the streets.
So the revolution in Egypt was stolen just like
that.
The neo-colonial puppet regime of Mubarak will have
its legacy preserved and perpetuated while the radical
nationalism among Egyptians will be silenced.
This is the power vested in the Empire that runs
the imperial authority in our day.
Africa we are one and together we will overcome. It
is homeland or death!
Reason Wafawarova is a political writer and can
be contacted on
wafawarova@yahoo.co.uk or
reason@rwafawarova.com or visit
www.rwafawarova.com
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