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Shield
Act Targets First Amendment Freedoms: Congressional
Research Service Analysis
11 January 2011 By Stephen
Lendman
For decades, America's freedoms
have eroded, notably post-9/11 with:
-- a president declaring
unconstitutional unitary executive powers to rule
unilaterally;
-- his successor embracing the
doctrine;
-- checks and balances and
separation of powers virtually ended;
-- passage of the USA Patriot
Act;
-- Homeland Security Act;
-- other repressive laws;
-- annual renewals of coup d'etat
continuity of government (COG) authority to rule
unconstitutionally, including by martial law;
-- repressive national and
homeland security presidential directives (NSPDs &
HSPDs);
-- unconstitutional executive and
other unilateral presidential directives;
-- the recent FCC ruling
compromising Net Neutrality; and
-- the proposed Shield Act - S.
4004: Securing Human Intelligence and Enforcing Lawful
Dissemination Act.
Called a "bill to amend section
798 of title 18, United States Code, to provide
penalties for disclosure of classified information
related to certain intelligence activities and for
other purposes."
Introduced on December 2, it was
referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, not
passed, but likely to resurface in the 112th
Congress.
HR 6506 is the House version,
introduced on December 8, referred to the House
Committee on the Judiciary and Subcommittee on Crime,
Terrorism, and Homeland Security. It also didn't pass,
but again very likely will resurface.
On December 2, Senator John
Ensign's (R. NV) web site headlined, "Bipartisan
Ensign Legislation Goes after WikiLeaks by Amending
Espionage Act," saying:
He and Senators Joe Lieberman (I.
CT) and Scott Brown (R. MA) introduced "legislation
that will derail the very real threat posed to human
intelligence sources by WikiLeaks." The Shield Act
"would give the Administration increased flexibility
to go after WikiLeaks and its founder Julian Assange
by making it illegal to publish the names of human
intelligence informants (HUMINT) to the United States
and intelligence community."
WikiLeaks published none. In
fact, on October 17, Reuters reported Defense
Secretary Robert Gates saying:
Reviews thus far made "ha(ve) not
revealed any sensitive intelligence sources and
methods compromised by (WikiLeaks) disclosure(s)."
Yet according to Ensign,
Lieberman and Brown:
"Julian Assange and his cronies,
in their effort to hinder our war efforts, are
creating a hit list for our enemies by publishing the
names of our human intelligence sources. (This)
legislation will help hold people criminally
accountable who endanger these sources of information
that are vital to protecting our national security
interests. The reckless behavior of WikiLeaks has
compromised our national security and threatened the
safety of our troops overseas...."
According to Attorney General
Eric Holder:
"To the extent there are gaps in
the laws, we will move to close those gaps. The Shield
Act will help close these holes in the law."
Congressional
Research Service Analysis
On December 6, Congressional
Research Service (CRS) legislative attorney Jennifer
Elsea headlined, "Criminal Prohibitions on the
Publication of Classified Defense Information,"
saying:
Espionage Act provisions apply
"to the receipt and unauthorized dissemination of
national defense information, which has been
interpreted broadly to cover closely held government
materials related to US military operations,
facilities and personnel. It has been interpreted to
cover the activities of foreign nationals
overseas...."
However, "(t)he Supreme Court has
stated....that the question remains open whether the
publication of unlawfully obtained information by the
media can be punished consistent with the First
Amendment. Thus, although unlawful acquisition of
information might be subject to criminal prosecution
with few First Amendment implications, the publication
of that information remains protected. Whether the
publication of national security information can be
punished likely turns on the value of the information
to the public weighed against the likelihood of
identifiable harm to the national security, arguably a
more difficult case for prosecutors to make."
Also at issue is whether
information gotten and published relates to lawless
government actions that create "clear and present
danger(s)" for everyone. Public
interest/self-defense/criminal act disclosure
arguments are reasons enough for disseminating such
information.
CRS also called prosecuting
WikiLeaks unprecedented and challenging, both legally
and politically, saying:
"We are aware of no case in which
a publisher of information obtained through
unauthorized disclosure by a government employee has
been prosecuted for publishing it." At issue are First
Amendment rights and "concerns about government
censorship" of information the public has a right to
know.
Targeting
Constitutional Rights
The Shield Act targets
whistleblowers, amends the 1917 Espionage Act,
criminalizes free speech, and compromises the public's
right to know how their elected officials govern.
Suppressing truth is the first step toward tyranny.
America is hurtling toward it as well as third world
status and ruin.
On December 7, the Electronic
Frontier Foundation's (EFF) Shari Steele headlined,
"Join EFF in Standing up Against Internet Censorship,"
saying:
"The debate about the wisdom of
releasing secret government documents has turned into
a massive attack on the right of intermediaries to
publish truthful information" the public has a right
to know. "Suddenly, WikiLeaks has become the
Internet's scapegoat," but what affects them harms
everyone unconstitutionally.
Everyone everywhere, including
WikiLeaks, may publish truthful political and other
information. Moreover, Internet users have a right to
access it freely without censorship or other
government interference. America's duopoly disagrees
and may enact repressive legislation that criminalizes
legitimate news reporting online, in print, or over
the public airwaves. Other nations may follow in a
systematic attack on fundamental freedoms.
"Like it or not, WikiLeaks has
become the emblem for one of the most important
battles for our rights that is likely to come along in
our lifetimes. We cannot sit this one out." The choice
is simple: either freedom or tyranny, the latter very
much out in front.
Writing for Lawfare.com, Benjamin
Wittes, senior Brookings Institution Governance
Studies fellow, headlined, "Espionage Act Amendments,"
saying:
The Shield Act "would
dramatically expand the scope of 18 USC 798, which is
now a relatively targeted provision criminalizing the
disclosure or publication of cryptographic systems and
communications intelligence. (The) Espionage Act is so
vague (and) legal(ly uncertain (that) it tend(s) to
inhibit its use."
The Shield Act "offers the worst
of both worlds. It leaves intact the current World War
I-era Espionage Act provision (with its many problems)
and expands its scope to the point that it covers a
lot more than the most reckless media excesses."
It will criminalize good
journalism as "knowingly and willfully publishing
material 'concerning the human intelligence activities
of the United States or any foreign government' (that
is in) no small part of what a good (publication)
does."
At issue most of all are
fundamental constitutional rights. Earlier Supreme
Court decisions addressed them.
Two Notable
Supreme Court Decisions
During the 1919 Red Scare,
California passed a criminal syndicalism law to
restrict activities of the Industrial Workers of the
World (IWW), an activist international union called
the Wobblies. The statute prohibited advocating
changes to the capitalist system of industrial
ownership or political control. Under it, Charlotte
Anita Whitney, a social activist, was charged and
convicted, solely for her short-term Communist Labor
Party (CLP) membership.
In Whitney v. California (1927),
the Supreme Court unanimously upheld California's
statute based on its right to protect the public from
violent political acts. However, Justices Louis
Brandeis and Oliver Wendell Holmes contended that
Whitney's attorneys should have argued for a "clear
and present danger" test to distinguish between
membership and dangerous action. They reasoned that
Fourteenth Amendment Due Process protection and First
Amendment speech and assembly rights superseded state
regulation.
Specifically they wrote:
"Fear of serious injury cannot
alone justify suppression of free speech and assembly.
Men feared witches and burnt women. It is the function
of free speech to free men from bondage of irrational
fears....Those who won our independence by revolution
were not cowards. They did not fear political change.
They did not exalt order at the cost of
liberty....only an emergency can justify repression.
Such must be the rule if authority is to be reconciled
with freedom. Such....is the command of the
Constitution. It is, therefore, always open to
Americans to challenge a law abridging free speech and
assembly by showing that there was no emergency
justifying it."
In Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969),
the Court overturned Whitney v. California and Ohio's
Criminal Syndicalism statute, ruling that government
cannot constitutionally punish abstract advocacy of
force or a law violation. It can only do so in cases
of directly inciting "imminent lawless actions." The
"Brandenburg standard" thus affirmed the "clear and
present danger" test, what Congress now wants to
abolish unconstitutionally.
On January 3, Law Professor
Geoffrey Stone's New York Times op-ed headlined, "A
Clear Danger to Free Speech," saying:
"There are very good reasons why
it makes sense to give the government so little
authority to punish the circulation of unlawfully
leaked information," including:
-- "prejudic(ing) the interests
of the United States does not mean that harm outweighs
the benefit(s);" for example, exposing no Iraq WMDs;
-- for political reasons,
governments often overstate secrecy needs; none apply
except in "clear and present danger" circumstances;
and
-- First Amendment rights are so
fundamental that suppressing them must be a last, not
first, resort, again only for "clear and present
danger" reasons.
In fact, the William H. Rehnquist
Supreme Court, in Bartnicki v. Vopper (2001), held
that anyone publishing information "from a source who
obtained it unlawfully" may not be punished "absent a
need....of the highest order....it would be quite
remarkable to hold" that such individuals are
criminally liable because the government didn't "deter
conduct by a non-law-abiding third party."
In fact, whatever's in the public
interest should and must be published. It's the only
way fundamental constitutional principles are
protected, ones lawless House and Senate members want
stripped.
A Final Comment
On January 8, a WikiLeaks
statement said:
"Today, the existence of a secret
US government grand jury espionage investigation into
WikiLeaks was confirmed for the first time as a
subpoena was brought into the public domain," but
remained sealed.
It requires a San-Francisco-based
micro-blogging site to hand over all details of five
individual accounts and private Twitter messaging,
including the computers and networks used. Assange and
four others were named. Another report said he was
offered a plea bargain if he cooperates. So far the
subpoena's contents are sealed. Assange demands they
be revealed, and he promised to fight the alleged
charges.
Administration and congressional
members accuse WikiLeaks and Assange of compromising
US national security and endangering the lives of
human intelligence sources. They also say nothing of
importance was published.
In a December 7 op-ed in The
Australian, Assange said:
"It can't be both. Which is it?
It is neither. WikiLeaks has a four-year publishing
history. During that time we have changed whole
governments, but not a single person, as far as anyone
is aware, has been harmed. But the US, with Australian
government connivance, has killed thousands in the
past few months alone."
In a letter to Congress, "US
Secretary of Defense Robert Gates admitted (that) no
sensitive intelligence sources or methods had been
compromised by the Afghan war logs disclosure. The
Pentagon stated there was no evidence the WikiLeaks
reports had led to anyone being harmed in Afghanistan.
NATO in Kabul told CNN it couldn't find a single
person who needed protecting. The Australian
Department of Defense said the same."
No one since WikiLeaks began
publishing was harmed. In contrast, Washington's
imperial wars harmed millions at home and abroad with
no accountability or acknowledgement by America's
dominant media, portraying lawless conflicts as
liberating ones. As a result, "truth emergency"
conditions demand that whistleblowers and independent
writers do what corporate-paid ones don't - their job.
Stephen Lendman lives in
Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net.
Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and
listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished
guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the
Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central
time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs
are archived for easy listening.
http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.
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